Samstag, 7. Oktober 2006

Intellectual Styles

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In 1981, social researcher Johan Galtung published an essay in which he outlined and compared differences between Saxonic (USA, United Kingdom), Teutonic (Germany), Gallic (France) and Nipponic (Japan) intellectual styles. Apart from other things he established how members of these four cultures would react if they were faced with a (scientific) proposition and which typical question they would ask.

(cf. GALTUNG 1985)

Although Galtung indicates that this figure should not be taken too seriously, it can be pointed out that the Japanese (Nipponic style) lay emphasis on the importance of their masters and teachers. In this regard, Japan could be seen as representative of nearly all East Asian countries. The status of the teacher seems to be different compared with the one in Western cultures (North America and most of Europe). These cultural differences can lead to intercultural misunderstandings as the following examples reveal:

  • An American teacher at the foreign language institute in Peking exclaimed in class "You lovely girls, I love you". Her students were shocked (cf. GTZ 1989, p. 50).
  • An Indonesian language teacher taught a group of German managers to speak Bahasa. He was completely terrified when the company expected from the learners that they should evaluate and criticize his lessons.
  • A guest lecturer from Malaysia felt disrespected and disdained because the German students were late for his lecture and did not even apologize.
  • A German engineer who instructed teachers at a Chinese vocational college was at a loss. His "teachers" would consequently avoid any practical demonstration when giving their lessons (cf. REISCH/TANG 1992, p. 2).

These four situations indicate that the involved persons are very often not aware of little traps. It is not easy to move in foreign societies without knowing about the cultural differences and these examples show once again clearly the significance of intercultural communication and competence.

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Dienstag, 12. September 2006

Farbsymbolik: Farben in Religion und Kultur

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Jede Religion bzw. Kultur hat eigene typische Trauerfarben, wobei diese selbst in einem einzelnen Kulturkreis variieren können. Generell lässt sich sagen, dass der Fokus auf den Farben weiß und schwarz liegt.

Im Buddhismus und Hinduismus gilt die Farbe weiß als absolute Trauerfarbe, auch vorchristlichen Slawen und Byzantiner trugen sie bei entsprechenden Anlässen. Sie ist ein Merkmal für Reinheit der Seele, symbolisiert die Unschuld (vgl. LIEBSCH/RÜSEN 2001: 132). In Europa verschwand weiß erst, als die Mode des weißen Brautkleides aufkam. Königin Viktoria von Großbritannien und Irland (1819-1901) war die erste Braut in weiß, vorher konnte ein Brautkleid jede Farbe haben. Das Problem bei weißer Trauerkleidung in der damaligen Zeit war die Schwierigkeit, sie aufgrund ihrer Empfindlichkeit, sauber zu halten. Hochzeitskleider waren bis dato aus schwarzem Stoff und wurden nach der Hochzeit zu einem Alltagskleid (vgl. SEALE 1998: 103). Durch die Entdeckung Amerikas kamen auch neue Farbstoffe nach Europa und die Möglichkeiten des Färbens wurden verbessert (beispielsweise mit mexikanisches Blauholz).

Schwarz als Trauerfarbe wurde eingeführt durch die christliche Kirche, um der spirituelle Dunkelheit der Seele gerecht zu werden. Erstes Auftreten im 6. Jahrhundert durch St. Benedikt, im Folgenden waren die benediktinischen Mönche als die „schwarzen Möche“ bekannt. Im 14. Jahrhundert wurde schwarz als allgemeine Trauerfarbe wahrgenommen und vier Jahrhunderte später in allen Schichten und europäischen Städten akzeptiert (vgl. TAYLOR 1983: 271).

Rot gilt in den christlichen Kirchen als Sinnbild für das Blut Christi und war deshalb lange Zeit ebenfalls Trauerfarbe. Noch heute trägt der Papst rote Roben bei Messen und nach dem Tod werden Päpste im Sarg in rote Gewänder gekleidet. In manchen Ländern Europas wurde dunkelrot bei Beerdigungen getragen: in Italien bis ins 16., in Ungarn bis ins 20. Jahrhundert. Jedoch: in Portugal ist rot die Farbe des Teufels und würde nie bei derartigen Veranstaltungen getragen werden.

In europäischen Königsfamilien gilt lila noch heute als Trauerfarbe (letztlich zu sehen bei der Beerdingung der britischen Queen Mum), galt doch diese Farbe immer als ein Zeichen von imperialer Macht: Römer, Phönizier, Byzantiner und Christen trugen sie. In der Kirche steht lila außerdem für Buße, Reue und Fasten.

Das erste modebewusste Verhalten in Bezug auf Trauerkleidung trat im viktorianischen Zeitalter (19. Jahrhundert) in Großbritannien auf. Frauen hatten starke Bedenken, bei Trauerkleidung die richtige Farbwahl zu treffen. Eine falsche Auswahl galt als ein Faux-Pas ersten Ranges (vgl. TAYLOR 1993: 67). Die Hysterie ging sogar so weit, dass Briefe an Frauenmagazine geschickt wurden, weil man sich nicht sicher war, welches Farbe bei einer Hochzeit mit einer Witwe oder bei einem Trauerfall angebracht wäre.

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Mittwoch, 23. August 2006

Trauerrituale in Irland

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Die Republik Irland ist trotz der gesellschaftlichen Veränderungen durch das Phänomen des "Celtic Tiger" ein noch immer sehr stark katholisch geprägtes Land. Diese neue, junge Generation von Iren denkt zwar sehr progressiv und weltoffen, ist aber trotz der vielen veröffentlichten Skandale der irischen Kirche weiterhin ziemlich religiös. Gleichzeitig gehört es zur westlichen Kultur, steht also dem deutschen Kulturkreis prinzipiell sehr nah. Jeder, der den Toten kannte, kommt zur Beerdigung. Dies gehört zum guten Ton und in sehr ländlichen Gebieten Irland kann es vorkommen, dass sich das ganze Dorf auf dem Friedhof einfindet.

Die Trauer-Feierlichkeiten strecken sich normalerweise über drei Tage. Am ersten Tag des Todesfalls findet eine Totenwache am Bett des Toten statt, die ganze Familie ist anwesend und betet, außerdem findet ein großes Essen statt. Am nächsten Tag findet mittags der Transport in der Leichenhalle statt. Jeder wirft noch einen Blick auf den Leichnam und kondoliert den engsten Verwandten – dies führt häufig zu großen Schlagen und kann unter Umständen mehrere Stunden dauern. Im Anschluss wird der Sarg in einem Leichenwagen in die Kirche, meist am frühen Abend. Sechs männliche Familienangehörige tragen den Sarg vom Wagen in die Kirche, der Rest der Trauergäste geht dahinter, anschließend wird die Messe gehalten. Bis zur endgültigen Beerdigung (niemals Bestattung) am nächsten Morgen liegt weiterhin ein Kondolenzbuch aus. Am dritten Tag findet morgens vor der Beerdigung noch eine Messe statt. Zum Abschluss feiert die Trauergemeinde mit "food & drinks" bis in die frühen Morgenstunden und zwar auf die bekannt irische feucht-fröhliche Weise.

Ein traditionelles Ritual ist weiterhin das Campen neben dem Grab des Toten, in der Regel eine Woche lang. Die Familie wacht, bis die Seele mit Gott wiedervereint ist und verhindert zusätzlich, dass keine bösen Geister in die Nähe des Toten kommen. Einen Monat später und jedes Jahr zum Todestag wird regelmäßig eine Messe durchgeführt.

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Mittwoch, 9. August 2006

Asian learning culture

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In East Asia the status of a person depends on the fact that he "is someone" and that he occupy a corresponding position. Whereas in Germany professional authorities are esteemed highly, that means, people who "can do something" and who are therefore experts (cf. REISCH/TANG 1992, p. 15).
Teachers, lecturers, superiors and elder persons are natural persons of respect, who need not legitimize themselves. They are not scrutinized and criticized. Criticism, confrontation are considered as disrespectful and impolitely to a maximal extent, even aggressive or hurtful, this is a sign of bad education. Discussions and contradictions are unusual, hints on mistakes as well (cf. REISCH/TANG 1992, p. 6). Queries imply that something was forgotten or explained insufficiently. This would comprise subtle criticism, this is not compatible with the assigned roles. Teachers are persons of knowing and respect at the same time, they arrange their knowledge to the unknowing (the students). The students are therefore dependent on the teacher (cf. ROHLEN/LETENDRE 1996, p. 287). Because "knowledge is power", the person imparting knowledge is settled higher in the hierarchy than the person who learns. If a teacher must have himself taught from a subordinate, then this has face-loss as consequence.

In Asia it is considered as a characteristic of bad trainers if they admit that they do not know something. A teacher does not expect from his students to discover or elaborate the knowledge themselves. If he possesses knowledge, he should also pass it on, if he does not, he is no longer accepted as a knowing person.

Teaching and learning style

The situation of teaching is primarily one-sided, a one-way-process: what the teacher announces is relevant and right. The students are not entitled to ask about sense and purpose, to require reasons or even to question the content the task of the students is solely to suck up the mediated knowledge like a sponge, they appropriate as much of the teacher's knowledge as they can. The following table compares prefered teaching and learning styles:

(cf. REISCH/TANG 1992, p. 12)

It is probably exaggerated to claim that the teaching process is more affected that its content, but this much is certain that the classes aim altogether at a receptive learning style, at the mediation of knowledge and at the support of reproductive abilities. The participants are accustomed to receptive learning. Repetitions are one of the characteristics of the teaching process and used regularly without the statement's content varying. Asian students learn by repeated practise rather than by explanation (cf. LEESTMA/WALBERG 1992, p. 244). This learning style can be very strenuous and demands an intense effort, but Asian students are used to this kind of learning. They are aware that knowledge leads to success and social prestige ultimately. Besides, active participation is not common and the demand for it would provoke astonishment. In addition, Students are very insecure being afraid of saying something wrong. This would be a disgrace in front of the class and lead to face-loss, this time with the student.

Theoretical education is consequently dominant and as a matter of priority opposite the practice - practitioners enjoy essentially less prestige. In Asian schools therefore students learn that extensive knowledge is the most essential.

Relationship between teacher and student

The following table compares behaviour that is mainly encouraged in Western and Asian societies. The different relationship between Asian teachers and students can be deduced easily from this.

(cf. REISCH/TANG, p.11)

Respect is given by students towards a teacher not only during working hours, but also outside the work place. The relationship of teachers and students does not finish after school but also applies in the private contact, but personal contact with the students is re-garded as unusual.

Despite formal distance and respect in the contact together, careful interest and worry are significant for the harmony and the learning process. Formal harmony in learning situations is maintained at all times. Teachers would not point out the students' mistakes, because this could follow already mentioned face-loss. The meaning of harmony is very important, especially in the Japanese society (cf. SCHUBERT 1992, p. 123-128). Uppermost principle is the avoidance of confrontation and this is imparted since early childhood. Homogeneity of social order is stressed extremely in Asia.

Conclusion

Teachers in East Asian countries are highly respected. His or her social status can be compared with the prestige teachers used to have in Western societies in former times. The reasons that contribute to this remarkable status are various.

Confucianism and Buddhism are nearly omnipresent in East Asian cultures and deeply rooted in the individual life of every member of society. From a child, Asians are faced with the prevailing rules and duties which are passed on by parents and teachers enduringly. Very early children learn about the importance of avoiding confrontation and of respecting authorities. Asian societies are considered to be vertical and hierarchy plays a weighty role which is often underestimated by Westerners. Opposition and contradiction are not exercised directly to a reputable authority like teachers, trainers and educators. Teachers derive their high social status from the fact that they are the ones who impart knowledge to persons who are ignorant and "not knowing". Even if teachers are not paid as their position in society would imply it, being a teacher is a popular profession in Asian countries. Reasons like lifelong job-security or social prestige see to it.

But it would be naive to claim that the schooling situation is that unscrupulous and perfect without any critizism. For example, in Japan, the flood of entrance examinations and tests to be passed to attend a reputable high school or university is criticized not only by Westerners but also by students, parents and even teachers in Japan. The Japanese "examination hell" is more and more scrutinized closely and sometimes even declared as "test fetishism" (cf. DECKE-CORNILL 1996, p. 107). Japanese government thinks about reforms in the educational system, for example more liberty in terms of creativity or modifications of the curriculum. This also happens against the background of forming more creative individuals to remain competitive in the international market (computer science, software engineering etc.) (cf. BPB 1997, p. 26).

In some fields, the teacher's authority is not as unimpeachable as it used to be and the students' behaviour shows tendencies of violence and offences in school, especially among students themselves. But compared with the difficult situation in Western countries, this development could be regarded as relatively insignificant. As far as the teacher's status in Asia is concerned, it should be pointed to the fact that even if his absolute authority might have changed over the last years, the famous phrases "Knowledge Is Power" is still relevant.

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Mittwoch, 26. Juli 2006

The teacher's role in Japan

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In Japan, a teacher (sensei) is conscious of the expectations of his work that are predominant in the public. He is not only expected to assure the children’s right to receive education, but also to have to fulfil a huge scope of duties holding a wider role and responsibility than in the West.

Japanese teachers work very hard and often feel overworked because of an enormous number of lessons a week and the additional tasks inside and outside school. Some even fear “karoshi”, meaning death from overwork. In 1993, the time of classroom teaching was 16.8 hours for high-school teachers, 19.7 hours for middle-school teachers and 26.5 hours a week for primary-school teachers. This is in fact not too much but Japanese teachers also have a lot of supplementary tasks. For example, high- and middle-school teachers are often required to give additional lessons in which students are prepared for the 'examination hell' (the flood of entrance examinations to higher-level schools or universities) or to supervise students’ club-activities which take place in the afternoon (cf. OKANO/TSUCHIYA 1999, p.151-152). Another difference, compared to Western countries, is the excessive number of students per class. Teachers often face more than 35 in primary and middle school and they have to teach very heterogeneous classes (according to the students’ abilities) because of the missing separation at Japanese schools.

Probably the strangest tasks (in the eyes of Western teachers) are things like guarding the campus and ordering the fuel oil. They are also partly responsible for their students outside school. Japanese students have to follow several rules in their leisure time: they are not allowed to smoke and to drink alcohol, to go to discos or to have a job by the side. In case of disregarding these rules, the teacher is obliged to inform the parents or even to make home visits (cf. SCHÜMER 1999, p. 34). As one can see from all this, the tasks of a Japanese teacher go far beyond giving lessons. It should be stressed that the situation for female teachers is even more strenuous because they are also responsible for housework and bringing up the children at home (as this has consequently remained the task of women in the Japanese society).

As already mentioned, Japanese students are not rated according to their abilities. They remain together with all the other children of their age and are moved up jointly, independ-ent of their achievement levels. This system, that is fairly unknown in Western societies, stops abruptly when compulsory education ends at the age of 15. From this point onwards, the students must face masses of tests and entrance examinations to pass all barriers on the way to a reputable high school. The better the reputation of the attended high school, the bigger the chances to attend a reputable university afterwards (cf. SCHUBERT 1997, p. 400). Therefore the parents enable their children to receive additional lessons where they repeat and consolidate their subjects. Normal school only prepares the students up to a certain point, so that they need these additional lessons, if they want to have any chance to pass the difficult entrance examinations. The focus of these additional schools (after-school schools, “juku”) is on repeating and practising the subjects on the one hand and rote learn-ing on the other. Other schools focus on exam preparation. The students display persever-ance and intensity to a high degree which could hardly be imagined by Western students. This additional school system is unique and typical of the Japanese education where it plays an important role. It is designated as “shadow” school systems whereas the official school system comprises public and private schools (cf. LEESTMA/WALBERG 1992, p. 239). To guarantee the best possible education, parents and children muster up great strain equally. In former times the slogan “kyoiku no kanetsu” (overheating of education) was used in this context and the term of “examination hell” was created (cf. WITTIG 1972, p.161).

Nevertheless teacher’s life in Japan can be pleasant compared with Western countries. The classes are usually homogeneous in terms of ethnicity so that no language problems occur. The relationship between teachers and students is characterized by mutual respect and teachers do not have any difficulties with lack of discipline. Although the general situation at Japanese schools is not as unscrupulous as it used to be (concerning violence, harass-ment, disrespectfulness), it can be regarded as insignificant measured with Western condi-tions. The teaching situation is relatively uncomplicated due to the children’s education at home. Japanese children learn to adapt themselves to groups very early so that they are more likely to accept goals, meaning and methods of schooling (cf. SCHÜMER 1999, p. 35). The teacher’s authority is not scrutinized. In class, the students are able to work persever-ingly because of their high sense of performance of one’s duties. They know about the im-portance of exertion which will lead to social appreciation.

Teaching in Japan is seen as a kind of lifestyle guidance for the students. A teacher con-centrates not only on the cognitive development of children, but also on their emotional, social, physical and mental one (cf. OKANO/TSUCHIYA 1999, p. 172). They let the children practise correct behaviour in school life and delegate more and more responsibility in course of time. The children are allocated different tasks: some are responsible for general behaviour towards the teacher in class (greeting, saying goodbye, quiet), some care for the served meals, and others see to a clean blackboard. In general, the authority of children being responsible for a certain task is accepted by all the others – although there are of course children who fulfil their jobs more sufficiently than others.

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Freitag, 21. Juli 2006

The teacher's role in Thailand

Like in any other Asian society, the Thai teacher who is called “khru” (from the Sanskrit “guru”) is not esteemed on account of his professional abilities but because of his personality (“baramee”, meaning charisma).

Thais like using word-pairs beginning or ending with the term “heart”, called “chai”. These word-pairs only make sense in a specific composition. They very often are applied in situations of teaching and learning and characterize the relationship between teachers and students excellently. For example, a teacher should have a cool heart (chai-yen) that means he should not be impatient (chai-ron).
The relationship between teacher and student is deeply determined by these expectations. Teachers are claimed to be broad-minded (chai-kwang, having an open heart) and to have cultivated manners (chai-soong, high heart). The most important con-cept of behaviour in Thai society is called “kreng-chai”, meaning that the heart is contracting of fear. It is a traditional virtue to be considerate and not to do anything that other people could dislike. If one behaves this way, one shows respect and good manners (cf. LUTHER 1990, p.48-49). For instance, a teacher offers a student to give him a lift to the next bus station, but the student of course refuses. The reason for this is his “kreng-chai”, meaning that he does not want the teacher to be forced to stop the car in the running traffic. But the teacher insists on his offer – and now the student is too “kreng-chai” to decline it although he would prefer to go to the library with his friends. During the ride the student solely talks if he is asked and this reveals the respect towards his teacher.
An educator must not dishearten his students (tor-chai, leaving the heart) if they only prac-tice rote learning (kheun-chai, getting into the heart) without understanding the context sufficiently. The students should concentrate completely on what the teacher announces. This kind of learning is typical of Asian cultures, the Thai one included. The student owes his teacher lifelong gratitude for his trouble and understanding and he pays tribute to him. In this case he is “tid-chai” (pasting heart), praising the teacher with all his heart (cf. LUTHER 1990, p. 50).

In recent years there has been an interesting phenomenon in reputable upper schools. Young teachers who have just started their “career” at these schools are sometimes in-spected and scrutinized by the senior classes. The students want to test if the teacher is really an expert and consequently a legitimate authority. For example, they regularly inquire in class which is not customary because the teacher is nearly unimpeachable. If the young teacher stays calm and self-confident and proves that he is the expected expert, the students will respect him as an authority. Incidentally, the students would never dare doing this with senior teachers who are settled higher in the hierarchy than the younger ones.

“Playing the network” is another typical Thai element in the field of schooling. If one plays the network it means building up relations of utmost importance, especially for those who want to be successful in the Thai society. If one sets up relations in Thailand he establishes contact not only with the person concerned but also with the group to which the corre-sponding person belongs. Such cliquism is very common in Thai society among scientists and professors. The principle of seniority and hierarchical order is almost omnipresent (cf. LUTHER 1990, p. 74). This represents huge problems for young university-leavers because their development is hampered. Everything depends on a possible personal relationship (called “sen” in Thai) to the dean of the educational institution or somebody else having a high position in this hierarchical system. New colleagues are expected to adjust harmonically to it, therefore adaptability and adequate manners are inalienable. They must neither practice technical criticism of another colleague nor give suggestions for improvement. The colleague would be annoyed and feel insulted because of this lack of respect. The dean has the first and the final say in department meetings and not the colleague being knowledgeable. In Thai society one pays respect to the power-holder and not to the expert like in Western cultures. A person’s status usually bases on rank or ancestry: on how one is sup-posed to be, independent of how one got there (cf. GTZ 1989, p.26). Like in society, everyone knows his position and status and behaves correspondingly.

In earlier times, teachers in Thailand were often monks. The temples were schools where the students were educated. Families used to send their children to these temples. The monks were the crucial authority for moral education and they decided subjectively what should be considered as “good” and “evil”, as merit (bun) and sin (barb).

Today students are usually not educated by monks any more, but they still hold a very high position in Thai society. Although teachers enjoy a good reputation and social status they are not paid very well. Their salary is not sufficient to support the family and therefore they often give classes at several schools to raise their pay. This can be traced back to the old tradition of the “travelling monks” (cf. LUTHER 1990, p. 37).

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